Human nature is complex. People desire equality, yet when they become strong, they resist strict equality.
It is often said that people change once their circumstances change, but perhaps that is simply human nature.
In truth, equality exists largely to protect the weak.
At the same time, protecting the weak also prevents the strong from being overthrown violently, making it beneficial for all.
To build a stable society, the foundation of the weak must be secured while ensuring the strong still feel rewarded.
The League of Nations in the original timeline failed precisely because it did not achieve this balance.
It required unanimity yet lacked enforcement power, making meaningful decisions impossible.
Even permanent members had little incentive, as they paid more but gained little.
Any nation could simply leave if dissatisfied.
Wellesley, following Killian's advice, designed a union where permanent members held decisive authority.
From an idealistic perspective, this approach invited criticism.
Some scholars argued it was merely a way for great powers to divide the world legally.
But Wellesley did not change his stance.
The world was already divided by great powers.
No one would willingly surrender what they possessed.
Even a child resists losing a toy.
Why would nations like France or Prussia behave differently?
Even those who agreed questioned the need for such an organization.
"Prime Minister, why create such a body? What if it harms our interests?"
Even the British Empire could not dominate alone.
To sustain such a union, it would need to consider smaller nations.
Some feared public dissatisfaction.
But Wellesley believed control should be refined, not overt.
Britain must guide the world subtly.
That was the true purpose.
In private, he explained.
"Funding determines influence. Those who contribute more will have greater say."
"But that means we must pay more."
"And gain more. Controlling the world legally is worth the cost."
Domestic concerns were resolved.
Now foreign participation mattered.
Prussia was the priority.
At Killian's birthday gathering, leaders from across nations attended.
It was the perfect opportunity.
"Prime Minister Otto von Bismarck, it has been some time."
"Indeed. Usually His Majesty is present as well."
They spoke casually.
"Did you know? Today may not even be His Majesty's true birthday."
"…What?"
"It is merely an estimated date. But that is not important."
The gathering itself mattered.
"Have you considered my proposal?"
"It is unexpected."
"Peace now is only temporary. Human nature ensures conflict will return."
"Military expansion is already increasing."
The fertilizer breakthrough had triggered arms production.
No nation could risk falling behind.
"We need a union capable of enforcing peace."
Bismarck agreed.
But he raised a concern.
"Protection applies only to members?"
"For now, yes."
"What about colonies?"
"They will be excluded."
Criticism was inevitable.
But immediate independence was unrealistic.
Even proposing it would end Wellesley's career.
"To gain participation, we must guarantee existing interests."
"Future criticism is unavoidable."
"Preventing war is more important."
Bismarck nodded.
International politics required pragmatism.
"As long as our rights are preserved, we agree."
"Thank you. Your support is crucial."
He then asked about leadership.
Wellesley refused carefully.
"The first leader will not be from a permanent member."
This avoided rivalry.
"Then how many permanent members?"
"Britain, Prussia, France. Possibly two more."
"We prefer no additions."
"I understand, but at least one more is necessary to avoid criticism."
Otherwise, it would appear as a three power alliance.
"Russia?"
"That depends on His Majesty."
The decision rested with Killian.
Meanwhile, Killian met Mikhail Bakunin.
"It has been a long time."
"Thanks to you, I remain alive."
"You came a long way."
"I had to."
His purpose was clear.
He needed confirmation that Russia's treaties remained valid.
"I have reviewed your request. With certain conditions, recognition is possible."
"What concerns remain?"
"Whether you truly represent Russia."
"That is why you suggested joining the union."
Membership would legitimize his authority.
"But that makes us no different from a state."
"You have little choice."
Bakunin hesitated.
Then Killian offered a solution.
"We can amend the charter to allow non state entities to join the assembly."
"A clever distinction."
Russia could join without abandoning its ideology.
Relieved, Bakunin agreed immediately.
"Let us finalize details after the celebration."
Recognition would be granted.
He smiled openly.
Killian stood and shook his hand.
It was not generosity.
It was calculation.
Russia would gain recognition.
But not full status.
Permanent membership remained limited to states.
Russia, not being one, had no place there.
***
Reassured by Killian's hospitality, Mikhail Bakunin accepted joining the international union as the condition for having his authority recognized by the British Empire without much suspicion.
In truth, Bakunin did not believe that Killian was acting without any ulterior motive.
He had seen too much during his time in the South.
Still, he had no choice but to be cautious.
He already owed Killian twice.
He still remembered the time he tried to undermine him alongside Friedrich Engels and ended up cornered instead.
And when he was nearly purged by Engels, it was Killian who ensured his safe escape to Canada.
Having received such help, opposing Killian outright was not easy.
Of course, he was not simply yielding.
While Killian sought to bring Russia into the union to strengthen his influence, this was not a bad outcome for Russia either.
Membership effectively guaranteed recognition of its system, territory, and diplomacy.
The position of permanent member was tempting, but demanding too much too early would backfire.
It was better to join first, build allies, and gain influence through votes.
For now, consolidation was more important.
Each side believed they were using the other.
Who would ultimately benefit more remained to be seen.
And Bakunin was confident.
The United States had long favored isolationism.
For nearly a century, its foreign policy followed this principle.
However, this did not mean complete withdrawal.
It was more a declaration that the Americas belonged to Americans, while Europe should remain in Europe.
After the civil war, this approach became impossible.
The South had separated.
Canada was effectively part of the British core.
Panama had been divided among European powers.
Even the Bahamas aside, European influence had spread too far.
Access to the Pacific was restricted.
The Panama Canal became vital.
Any disruption in relations with Britain would harm the United States directly.
Under such conditions, isolationism became untenable.
Abraham Lincoln shifted toward strengthening ties with Europe.
Naturally, Wellesley requested American support for the union.
One month before Killian's birthday, Lincoln considered his options.
"Russia has decided to join as well."
"So there was a deal."
"They are a new regime. It is uncertain what to call them."
"After dealing with the South, nothing surprises me."
Secretary of State Hamilton Fish asked carefully.
"Should we join as well?"
"There is little choice. If all of Europe joins, isolation becomes impossible."
Yet the United States was not desperate.
"If we hesitate, Britain also faces difficulty."
Wellesley needed success before retirement.
"This may be the final piece."
Lincoln agreed.
"Participate, but negotiate for maximum benefit."
Fish nodded firmly.
Lincoln then wrote a personal letter for Killian.
If the union was truly global, America deserved a permanent seat.
The permanent members of the new union would hold immense authority.
Like the original timeline, they possessed veto power.
Expanding this group too much would create instability.
France and Prussia opposed adding more members.
So clear criteria were established.
First, a leading global power.
Second, unanimous approval from all permanent members.
The second condition was decisive.
Any one nation could block new members.
But unofficial standards also existed.
A nation must align with Britain.
And it must not oppose British interests.
Formal disqualifications were also defined.
Dictatorships.
Major war crimes.
In reality, these served as tools to exclude rivals.
Under such criteria, the United States could not qualify.
Even weakened, it remained a potential superpower.
Allowing it entry would be dangerous.
"His Excellency hopes the union will protect global peace."
"I appreciate that."
"To maintain fairness, perhaps non European nations should also be included."
Killian feigned curiosity.
"Why?"
"Otherwise, it may appear as a European arrangement."
A reasonable argument.
But timing was key.
"Most nations have already agreed. The foundation is set."
"…I see."
"Adding a new permanent member requires approval from all."
Fish's expression darkened.
France and Prussia would never support the United States.
Killian smiled.
"You may propose it, but the outcome is predictable."
"…I understand."
"Instead, consider a more practical approach."
He pointed to the map.
The unnatural division between North and South.
"Do you think you can reclaim this territory?"
"Unlikely."
"Then negotiate."
If the South collapsed, Britain could support American claims to key regions.
In return, America would guarantee British interests.
"Is that possible?"
"With veto power, yes."
For the United States, it was more than enough.
For Britain, it was a calculated move.
"Let us discuss the details."
Killian studied the map carefully.
A small island near Cuba.
To secure it, a naval base would be needed.
And nearby, the perfect location stood out.
Florida.