I had expected tensions on the American continent to deepen, but I still believed that the likelihood of full scale war remained low.
However, there were more people than expected who actually wanted a clash to occur.
With the rapid expansion of production brought about by technological progress, output was increasing explosively.
For now, people continued producing under the belief that supply would create demand, but more and more began to question that assumption.
Colonial expansion was nearly complete, and food production was rising sharply, meaning the world would soon enter an era of unprecedented abundance.
Europe was already looking for places to export its surplus resources, and if the North and South were to clash, it was obvious they would seek to exploit it rather than prevent it.
Most European nations remembered well how much the British Empire had benefited from the previous American war.
After hearing the southern ambassador's request, I immediately returned to London, where Wellesley, looking noticeably worn, was waiting.
"Prime Minister, why do you look so exhausted after just a few days?"
"Perhaps because Your Majesty left me with an impossible task. Was your business in Canada resolved?"
"Fortunately, everything went well. Alfred will remain there to handle the rest, so I must now focus on matters here in London."
"I am relieved. For a moment, I feared Your Majesty intended to spend the winter relaxing on the Californian coast while leaving everything to me."
"Of course not."
Strictly speaking, I had planned to return just before winter ended, but circumstances had changed.
If not for Engels, I might have stayed comfortably in Canada a little longer.
We spoke casually over tea.
When I explained my plan to acquire a grain company in the United States and use Alfred to dominate the global grain market, Wellesley let out a dry laugh.
"Your Majesty, are you planning to turn the British royal family into the hidden power behind the world?"
"Not at all."
"It certainly looks that way to me."
"You misunderstand. This is merely a father ensuring his children do not fight over inheritance."
"No one expresses paternal affection by controlling the global grain market."
He quickly returned to the main topic.
"Then why did you return so suddenly?"
"You understand me well. Something urgent has come up."
Wellesley watched me closely, already suspecting the answer.
"Recently, President Abraham Lincoln secured a fourth term."
"Yes. He shattered the long standing precedent."
"The southern dictator, Friedrich Engels, seems deeply unsettled by it. He believes war is imminent and is begging for assistance."
"A war, just as Your Majesty warned about global conflict. Could this be a self fulfilling prophecy?"
He misunderstood.
My warning had been about Europe, not America.
Still, I could see why he believed it.
"In my view, unless something goes seriously wrong, a full scale war between North and South is unlikely."
"Why do you think so?"
"Engels is now completely consumed by maintaining power. He will compromise with anyone if it preserves his regime. And Lincoln is a rational man. If it becomes clear that war would only benefit Europe, he will not act first."
Of course, there are no absolutes.
A single extremist could change everything.
"I agree with Your Majesty. We should also consider establishing an international body to coordinate among great powers."
"I have considered it, but would others cooperate?"
"That is the problem."
Some nations might agree if given incentives.
But creating something like a modern international organization would face resistance.
And one country in particular stood in the way.
"Russia."
"Indeed."
Russian Empire was always difficult.
Even if offered benefits, it would likely act independently.
Its nature made cooperation unreliable.
"We need leverage over Russia."
"If you have such a plan, now would be the time to use it."
"If I had one, I would have used it already."
Russia was not easily controlled.
It was powerful, yet unstable.
"For now, we wait. Keep both sides calm and maintain peace."
The southern regime was fragile.
Once Engels was gone, its future was uncertain.
We needed contingency plans.
As Wellesley spoke of retirement, I ignored him and prepared to meet the cabinet.
Maintaining peace proved harder than ending war.
If only people could learn without suffering.
Russia was a paradox.
It possessed one of the largest armies in the world, yet its technology and morale were lacking.
It held vast territory, much of it barren.
Its population was large, yet inefficiently used.
Despite these weaknesses, few nations could confidently claim superiority over it, aside from Britain.
Still, maintaining its position was becoming increasingly difficult.
Britain had surged ahead.
Prussia was rising rapidly.
France remained strong.
Across the ocean, the United States was growing.
Faced with this, Alexander II pushed for stronger reforms.
But results fell short.
Attempts to undermine Britain had failed.
Pan Slavic ambitions had only partially succeeded.
Serbia had collapsed into chaos and shifted toward Austria.
If this continued, Russia risked falling behind.
Determined to change this, the Tsar accelerated industrialization.
"Develop industry. Move peasants into cities. Within ten years, match Britain and Prussia."
Progress had been made.
Steel and mining improved.
Urban labor increased.
But the cost was severe.
Workers were pushed beyond limits.
Factories ran without rest.
"Please allow us a day off."
"Impossible. Production must not stop."
"Hire more workers…"
"With what money? Are you a spy trying to weaken us?"
Conditions worsened.
Production targets rose each year.
Workers were exhausted.
"Thirty percent more output than last year?"
"Yes. Achieve it."
Western Europe was beginning to improve labor conditions.
Russia moved in the opposite direction.
Laborers were treated as expendable.
The logic was simple.
Endure hardship now to surpass rivals later.
Once strong enough, reforms could follow.
Communism had already lost credibility after the failure in the South.
Few supported it anymore.
"Work harder. The strength of Russia depends on you."
Absurd theories spread, claiming Russian workers were uniquely suited for labor.
Despite everything, industrial output grew.
Amid this turmoil, a new figure appeared.
Mikhail Bakunin, once a revolutionary leader in the South who had escaped Engels' purge, arrived in Russia.
"Communism has failed. But there is another path."
To some, he represented hope.
To others, a new threat.
And once again, change began to stir.
***
There are many things in the world that depend on how the first step is taken.
When the first communist state was established, intellectuals across the world placed their hopes in communist revolution.
But contrary to expectations, the South took an increasingly strange path, while capitalist nations instead began adopting more labor friendly policies.
Some argued that this was not a flaw of communism itself, but unfortunately that argument gained little support.
The leader of the South was the very figure who had established that system.
After his crushing defeat in debate against Marx, communism as an ideology was effectively given a death sentence.
To be precise, it was declared by its own creator that communism was an unattainable goal at this time.
One day, perhaps, but not now.
Once this became the accepted view, many believed the South would soon collapse.
Instead, Engels strengthened his grip on power, purged all opposition, and became an absolute ruler.
He presented a new logic.
Even if communism was not yet possible, the present must lay the foundation for it.
At that point, no one in Europe seriously considered pursuing communist revolution.
Russia had anticipated this and continued to exploit its workers relentlessly, but people did not rise up because of ideology.
They rose because they could no longer endure.
Ideas and doctrines merely serve as tools to organize those already driven to the brink.
"We must raise the black flag of revolution."
"Revolution is fine, but should we not first express our demands to the government? If the imperial family understands our suffering, perhaps they will change."
"It is the imperial family that created this suffering. What would change?"
Discontent alone does not lead to action.
Without unity, movements remain limited.
For that reason, Russian revolutionaries traveled as far as Canada to bring back the legendary anarchist Mikhail Bakunin.
The gamble produced far greater consequences than expected.
"I had intended to pass my days quietly in Canada, but perhaps this is fate. I will devote my remaining life to Russia's revolution."
His influence was immense.
His name alone carried weight.
Few had not only spoken of revolution but actually achieved it.
He had done so and had opposed Friedrich Engels to the end, preserving what many believed to be his principles.
The truth was more complicated, but few knew it.
To Russian workers, only one fact mattered.
A legendary revolutionary had returned.
"Teach us the path forward."
"First, you must understand that the state itself is a tool used by the ruling class to exploit workers. Capitalism, tied to the state, inevitably produces inequality."
His philosophy was clear.
Freedom for all is a condition for individual freedom.
"But without the state, would society not collapse?"
Such concerns limited anarchism's appeal.
People are drawn to radical ideas, but resist those that go too far.
Abolishing the state entirely seemed extreme.
"On the contrary, humans naturally cooperate. Remove coercive systems, and voluntary mutual aid will emerge."
"I see."
"We must act without relying on political representatives. Strikes, protests, sabotage. Use every means to resist."
To succeed, a revolution requires mass mobilization and leadership.
But there was one factor Bakunin did not mention.
The collapse of the South had not been caused solely by oppression.
Its economy had failed.
Without economic breakdown, revolution would remain incomplete.
For now, he focused on uniting labor groups.
Heavy industry, mining, textile workers, even women laborers.
He brought them together.
And then opportunity appeared.
[Russia firmly rejects British led global peace organization]
The proposal for an international body was rejected immediately by Russia.
There were several reasons.
First, concern that British influence would dominate.
Second, fear of interference in Russia's labor policies.
Though Britain did not claim authority over internal matters, participation could lead to indirect pressure.
Some Russian officials even argued that the organization was a tool to control Russia.
[Does Britain fear Russia's rise?]
[Europe fears Russia's growth!]
Such rhetoric filled Russian media.
But workers were no longer convinced.
"Why is our country acting like this?"
"They say Russia is preparing to oppose Britain again."
"That makes no sense."
"Europe is improving worker conditions, but Russia refuses to cooperate."
Within Russia, perceptions had shifted.
Britain was seen as a land where workers lived well.
Russia was seen as exploiting its own people to catch up.
What value was there in becoming a great power under such conditions?
Workers' anger grew.
Strikes spread rapidly.
In Saint Petersburg, over one hundred thousand workers joined.
"Forty hour workweek or death!"
"Down with exploiters!"
"We demand rest!"
The response was uncompromising.
"Those who strike are traitors influenced by Britain."
"Suppress them all."
Violence escalated.
The movement grew more radical.
Soon, it evolved into a direct rejection of the state itself.
"We cannot live like this!"
"If they do not die, we will!"
"Down with the state!"
From one hundred thousand, the movement grew to hundreds of thousands.
It became an armed force capable of paralyzing entire cities.
Bakunin's experience gave him an advantage the Russian authorities could not match.
Russia needed time.
Bakunin gave none.
In March 1874, the black revolution began.
In London,
"What do you mean? What is happening in Russia?"
"Violent groups are destroying infrastructure and paralyzing industry across the country."
I struggled to process the report.
A revolution in Russia?
Could it really be that?
Perhaps events were accelerating.
But communism had already collapsed.
Who would lead such a movement?
"…Are these not just strikes and protests?"
"It is far beyond that. The numbers exceed one hundred thousand."
"That is… considerable."
Given Russia's conditions, unrest was expected.
But this seemed organized.
"Who is behind this?"
"They wave black flags and reject the state itself."
"Black flags?"
Not communists.
Anarchists.
Then it became clear.
Bakunin.
"Why bring this to us?"
"To request understanding."
"Understanding?"
"These are not mere protesters. If such movements spread, it will affect all nations."
I listened without committing.
Anarchism.
Less structured than communism, but still dangerous.
"Will you support us?"
"I will not interfere in your internal affairs. Suppress them as you see fit."
The ambassador seemed relieved.
As soon as he left, I summoned Wellesley and the leading politicians.
If Russia collapsed, what would replace it?
This was beyond even my knowledge.
But one thing was certain.
It could be used.
A justification for the global organization.
Russia once again stood at the center of change.
I could not help but think.
History always moves forward through chaos.
I do not support it.
But I cannot deny its usefulness.
***
Russia's fatal mistake was dismissing the protesters as mere rioters.
In a Europe where communism had become a laughingstock, no one believed that a revolutionary movement could truly threaten the state.
Yet even a glance at the French Revolution shows that communism is not the only force capable of overturning a government.
However, for the rapidly advancing European powers, the French Revolution was a distant memory, and confidence in capitalism, having defeated communism, had grown excessive.
If Alexander II had recognized the seriousness of the situation, things might have been different.
But surrounded by advisers who dismissed the threat, he could not respond properly.
"The workers' strikes are growing. What measures have been taken?"
"Your Majesty, there is no cause for concern. Workers always complain. Suppress them and they will fall silent."
"I heard more than one hundred thousand took to the streets."
"Exaggeration. Our calculations show only ten thousand. They inflate their numbers to appear stronger."
Hearing this repeatedly, the Tsar had little reason to doubt.
"And their demands?"
"They wish to be treated like British workers. It is unreasonable."
"Then perhaps a compromise. One day of rest per week…"
"Your Majesty, that would only encourage them. If we concede once, they will continue to demand more."
The argument seemed logical.
If strikes succeeded, they would only increase.
"Then the situation is not severe."
"Correct. Furthermore, the British Empire has confirmed it will not interfere."
That assurance had another purpose.
The authorities had been labeling labor activists as British agents.
Using Britain's name to justify repression risked backlash if Britain objected.
But Britain's stance removed that concern.
The Tsar made his decision.
"Suppress them. They must not believe they can negotiate with the state."
"Yes, Your Majesty."
From that moment, restraint disappeared.
Government officials, nobles, and industrialists stood united.
The system would not change.
"Three days should be enough to disperse them."
"Not with current methods."
"Then use force. The economic losses are severe. Even execution would be justified."
The situation was not as stable as they claimed.
If unrest continued, the truth would reach the Tsar.
The scale of the movement was growing beyond control.
Concessions could expose corruption.
They chose escalation.
"Order them to disperse. If they refuse, open fire."
"Machine guns against civilians?"
"Not to kill all. A demonstration will be enough."
It was a fatal miscalculation.
They forgot that soldiers are also human.
"Fire on them?"
"Yes. It is the order."
"There are tens of thousands. You want us to shoot them?"
"Only the leaders."
"That is still slaughter."
Until now, they had justified repression by claiming the workers were foreign agents.
But even soldiers questioned this.
Were hundreds of thousands truly spies?
"That textile union is mostly women."
"My wife works there."
"…I cannot do this."
On March 14, 1874, the troops refused orders.
They killed their commanders and joined the protesters.
Soon, engineers and even the elite guard units joined.
"The Tsar has ordered the massacre of citizens."
"A state that kills its people is no state."
On March 15, courts were burned.
Regiments in Saint Petersburg and Moscow joined the uprising.
Fifty seven thousand troops sided with the people.
Even suppression forces collapsed.
Realizing the crisis, the Tsar promised reforms.
It was too late.
"Down with Russia."
The goal was no longer reform.
It was the destruction of the state itself.
Influenced by Mikhail Bakunin, the people demanded total abolition of centralized authority.
A society based on voluntary cooperation.
The palace was seized.
Nobles and capitalists were killed.
The Tsar survived, but was deposed.
On March 20, within a week, black flags flew across Russia.
The world's first anarchist revolution had succeeded.
The Russian Empire had fallen.
"…Russia has fallen?"
"Impossible."
"Is this real?"
Across Europe, shock spread instantly.
Even nations long hostile to Russia were stunned.
The fall of such a vast empire was unimaginable.
Unlike the South, Russia had been a true great power.
The involvement of anarchists terrified governments.
"What if this spreads?"
"From communism to anarchism?"
"Should we restore the monarchy?"
Emergency sessions were called.
Every nation debated.
Yet the British Empire remained calm.
"It is surprising, but not alarming."
"Your Majesty, an empire has collapsed in a week."
"It will not spread."
"…Why?"
"Because Bakunin has tasted power before."
Few understood.
But elsewhere, the reality became clear.
"…What now?"
Even Mikhail Bakunin could not celebrate.
"How do we govern?"
Security could be managed with militias.
But economy and diplomacy were uncertain.
He had once theorized such a society.
Now he faced its reality.
Modern systems were too complex.
"How do we manage production without central authority?"
"How do we conduct research?"
"How do we deal with other nations?"
Every solution contradicted his ideals.
Then he realized.
To survive, compromise was inevitable.
"…We must establish a foundation first."
At that moment, he understood Friedrich Engels.
Balancing ideals and reality was far harder than revolution itself.
***
There have always been times, in every era, when ideals soar high but reality fails to keep up.
Russia, having succeeded in the world's first anarchist revolution, was no exception.
There is a clear difference between an ideology that is complete in theory and one that is capable of governing a state.
Enlightenment, freedom, equality, and social stability.
Each element of anarchism as preached by Mikhail Bakunin was undeniably appealing when considered individually.
Anarchism did not mean destroying everything and returning to chaos.
Its essence lay in the belief that order could exist without the state or government, and that such a system could be achieved.
In fact, a society of pure survival of the fittest would contradict anarchism's ideals, as it would allow the strong to dominate the weak.
However, Bakunin, having participated in governing the southern communist state, understood something instinctively.
Where there is authority, there is no freedom.
This phrase best expressed anarchism's ideal, yet attempting to govern a vast entity like Russia revealed overwhelming limitations.
To overcome this, he ultimately followed the path he had once criticized in Friedrich Engels.
Of course, he did not do so as openly.
He believed himself different.
This was merely a temporary measure to stabilize the new Russia.
Once stability was achieved, he would step down.
"To realize our ideals, we still have many obstacles ahead. Unfortunately, we have long been suppressed by the authority of the state and religion, and have lost the ability to think and act independently. Without restoring this, dismantling all structures at once would lead to collapse."
"Exactly!"
"Lead us, Bakunin!"
As he had seen before, most people desired strong leadership.
Taking responsibility for one's own decisions is difficult.
People prefer to follow a capable guide.
"For now, until we free ourselves completely from oppression, we need an organization to support this transition."
"Agreed!"
"Some will say such an organization becomes a government. That will not happen. I will ensure it does not."
Thus, he established a Reform Committee to guide public consciousness.
It was granted extraordinary authority.
It could organize militias for defense.
And since militias require discipline, former military officers were incorporated.
They led in much the same way as before.
"We must also communicate with other nations so they understand our system."
In other words, diplomacy was necessary.
A diplomatic department was created.
"…Is this not becoming a state again?"
"There are those who do not understand. Without structure, chaos will follow."
Critics were dismissed as reactionaries.
Though Bakunin insisted he accepted reasonable criticism, his authority remained central.
"All citizens are equal. However, organization requires order. Superiors must respect subordinates, and subordinates should follow reasonable commands."
Even families have structure.
The committee was no different.
However, he avoided titles that implied hierarchy.
Then inspiration struck.
"We are all equal citizens. Therefore, I will abandon the title of chairman. I will be the first citizen of Russia, serving alongside you."
The effect was immediate.
Changing titles altered perception.
Names define authority.
A king may appear powerful simply by title, while a president may hold more actual power.
The same principle applied here.
The Reform Committee took full control of governance.
Defense, diplomacy, administration, justice.
All were under its authority.
And at its center was Bakunin.
Yet he did not see himself as a dictator.
To him, it was temporary.
When true freedom was achieved, it would disappear.
When that would happen, no one knew.
"Russia wishes to replace its ambassador and renegotiate relations."
Wellesley spoke with disbelief.
"They want existing treaties to remain valid. But are they not an anarchist state?"
"I told you. Bakunin understands reality."
"He did meet you in Canada."
"And he once tried to eliminate me alongside Alexander II."
The irony was clear.
Alexander had been overthrown by someone he once aligned with.
"What should we do?"
"Recognize them."
"The Romanovs?"
"Ensure their safety and allow exile."
Unlike typical revolutions, Russia had not descended into complete chaos.
The royal family was being held for trial.
Some nobles were sacrificed to appease public anger.
"Then this is effectively a continuation of the old state."
"Only the ruling class has changed."
Wellesley frowned.
"This resembles the southern regime."
"He learned from it."
Bakunin's power rivaled that of Engels.
And his first act was to seek recognition.
"That confirms it."
"He is another Engels."
Recognition would stabilize his rule.
Without it, collapse was likely.
"The international organization you proposed. Russia was the main obstacle."
"Now it is not."
Bakunin needed legitimacy.
Without recognition, treaties would collapse.
Trade could be disrupted.
War could follow.
His position was fragile.
I had no illusions.
His regime would not last forever.
History made that clear.
But until then, it could be used.
"Offer recognition in exchange for joining the international organization."
Wellesley nodded.
It was the perfect opportunity.
Even without granting Russia full privileges, participation could be secured.
Sometimes, chaos presents the best opportunities.
And Russia, once again, stood at the center of change.