November–December 1991
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The crisp November air in Maharashtra carried a sense of new beginnings as Vikram Singh, BP's Chief Minister, prepared to present the state's first budget under the party's leadership. In the Mumbai Mantralaya, Vikram huddled with his advisors in the CM's private chamber: Suraj Patel (on loan from Luxmi Bank for "economic consultation"), Pramod Gupta (BP's Maharashtra finance secretary, a former UFT coordinator), Anita Rao (TBF's special correspondent assigned to the budget desk), and Lakshmi Iyer (senior IAS officer deputed from Rural Development, a BP loyalist). The budget was Raj's blueprint—bold, rural-focused, designed to cement BP's image as the party of tangible progress.
Vikram addressed the assembly on November 15, his voice steady and resonant. "Honorable members, this budget is for the farmer, the worker, the backbone of Maharashtra. We allocate 1,500 crore for expanding the United Farmers Trust model—targeting 1,000 villages statewide by 1993. Modern seeds, irrigation canals, and cooperatives will ensure no farmer goes hungry again."
The chamber erupted. Opposition Congress MLAs, led by Sharad Pawar, rose in protest. Pawar himself stood up: "Empty promises, Mr. Chief Minister! Where is the money coming from? This is just populist gimmickry!"
Vikram smiled calmly. "The money comes from efficiency, Mr. Pawar—from cutting leakages in the old system. Rural roads: 800 crore via public-private partnerships with proven firms like Mehra Construction. Luxmi Bank will provide zero-interest loans to small holders—tied to productivity targets. This isn't welfare; it's empowerment. Pramod, would you like to elaborate on the loan mechanism?"
Pramod Gupta rose from the advisors' bench. "Thank you, sir. We've designed it with UFT in mind—loans disbursed directly to farmers' accounts, repaid through crop dividends. Last season, UFT members repaid 98% on time. This year, we project 1.2 lakh beneficiaries."
Pawar said " This is just private company government giving benifts to a certain company. We will protest and show your datk face to peoples. "
Anita Rao, taking notes for TBF, whispered to Suraj: "This will make front-page tomorrow—'BP Budget: Jobs, Roads, Hope and opposition attack on private company '."
Suraj nodded. "Add the 500 crore from Soviet tech resale—it's clean money."
In Rajasthan, BP's Deputy CM, Ramesh Desai (a respected temple trust veteran and former RSS member who joined BP for its moderate approach), pushed similar funds in the state budget session in Jaipur. Ramesh stood at the podium: "Temple tourism: 300 crore for infrastructure around sacred sites—roads, guest houses, security. This will boost local jobs and pilgrim safety in Jodhpur, Ajmer, and Pushkar."
Congress opposition, led by Ashok Gehlot, shouted: "Communal pandering! This is BJP in disguise!"
Ramesh retorted firmly: "This is cultural preservation, Mr. Gehlot—open to all faiths. The sites belong to every Indian. Our government is for development, not division."
Back in Mumbai, Suraj reported to Raj in the villa study. "Boss, Soviet tech resale from the coup hauls—rifles sanitized, radar sold to defense proxies—netted 500 crore this quarter. Luxmi financed the deals seamlessly. I've already allocated 200 crore to UFT expansions—Maharashtra targets 900 villages by year-end, Rajasthan 200."
Raj nodded. "Good. Push the pilot in 50 MP villages too—Vikram's ministry will approve it quietly."
Family life intertwined with empire. Jyoti's pregnancy had advanced smoothly; at seven months, she moved with careful grace, often resting while overseeing Mehra Book House remotely. One evening in the garden, she placed Raj's hand on her belly. "Raj, the baby's kicking like a fighter," she said, smiling. "I think it's a boy—he's already bossy."
Raj laughed. "Our son or daughter will be strong—like you, Jyoti. And Riya will have a little brother or sister to play with soon."
Priya, with one-year-old Riya toddling around, bonded deeply amid the pressures. "Riya's first word was 'Papa'—she's your shadow," Priya laughed, watching Riya play with wooden blocks shaped like temples. "She points at the TV when TBF shows Vikram on screen and says 'Uncle!'"
Raj kissed Priya's forehead. "She knows her family is building something bigger than herself."
Raj hosted a private Diwali celebration on November 6—lanterns lighting the garden, fireworks lighting up Riya's wide eyes. Suraj, Arjun, Vikram, Ramesh, and Anita joined the family for sweets and laughter. Raj raised a glass. "To our family and our victories," he toasted with Priya and Jyoti.
With BP controlling Maharashtra's Home portfolio and influencing Rajasthan's, Arjun Das expanded ASUR to 1,500 operatives. Using Soviet-acquired radar from the August coup period, they set up surveillance along porous borders in Rajasthan (Pakistan) and Maharashtra (coastal threats).
Arjun reported in a secure call from Amritsar: "Boss, radar integrated—detects infiltrators 20km out. We've got 300 new recruits enhanced with JS-2 serum. System flagged ISI post-Soviet vacuum: they're pushing arms into Punjab again, exploiting our crisis. A major consignment—20 tons of AKs, grenades, RPGs—from Pakistani handlers."
Raj's expression hardened. "Thwart it. No mercy. Use the new radar—track every mule train."
ASUR struck in mid-December: operatives intercepted the ring near Amritsar border—silent takedowns, smugglers vanished into the night, assets seized. Profits from resale on black market: 100 crore, funneled to BP funds.
The army credited "vigilant intelligence"; BP's Home Minister Arjun Singh claimed it in the assembly: "Our borders are secure—thanks to proactive policies. BP delivers peace, not just promises."
For months, Raj had run a parallel anti-corruption drive. Every week, he reviewed government employee lists—1,000 names across departments like revenue, police, PWD, education—sourced via BP ministries and ASUR hacks. Using the System, he queried: "Is this person corrupt? Details."
If yes, ASUR raided homes at dawn—evidence seized, interrogations swift. Suspensions followed, cases filed.
By December 1991, Raj had eliminated 7,000 corrupt employees in Gujarat and Maharashtra: 4,000 in Maharashtra (police 1,500, PWD 1,200, revenue 1,000, education 500, others 300); 3,000 in Gujarat (police 1,000, revenue 800, PWD 700, others 500). Savings: 500 crore in prevented leaks; public trust in BP soared.
Vikram in Maharashtra assembly: "We've cleaned house—honest governance starts here. No more corrupt babus siphoning funds from farmers."
Rajasthan's Ramesh Desai in Jaipur: "Corruption-free administration—BP delivers. We've suspended 1,200 officials already—funds now reach the people."
With old employee being suspended new employee are recruited at low salary becuase they are new and have not much experience.
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