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[Jia Sidao's life was relatively simple.
In youth he was dissolute. In early adulthood he roused himself and devoted five years to study, succeeding in the imperial examinations and earning the jinshi degree.
Moreover, his elder sister, Consort Jia, was deeply favored by Emperor Lizong of Song. From that point, Jia Sidao's official career was destined to rise from level ground to towering heights, to rise greatly, and to rise yet again.
Within seven years his advancement was smooth, and he was promoted directly to Pacification Commissioner of Jiangxi Circuit. More important still, during that time he won the appreciation of Meng Gong, who was regarded as the unbreakable wall of the Southern Song.
After Meng Gong's death, Jia Sidao was appointed Jinghu Military Commissioner, entrusted with guarding a crucial region and confronting the Mongol cavalry head on.
Thereafter his promotions did not cease. Twelve years later, Möngke, who had been raised to the Mongol throne with Batu's support, had largely settled the internal disputes of the Mongol Empire's Asian territories and began a full scale campaign against Song.
The outcome of this affair is well known. Möngke personally led troops against Shu, only to be bloodied by the mountain fortress defense system established by Yu Jie. In the end he died at Diaoyu Fortress.
At the same time, on another front, Jia Sidao was ordered in a moment of crisis to relieve Ezhou, lifting Kublai's threat. When the siege proved prolonged and difficult, Kublai withdrew to contend for the khanate.
By this achievement Jia Sidao's authority overshadowed the court, and his political career reached its summit.
Thereafter he monopolized state affairs for fifteen years. During that time he implemented the "Calculation Method" within the army to audit military expenditures, and in western Zhejiang he promoted the "Public Fields Law" in an attempt to resolve fiscal crisis. Both ultimately failed.
After the great defeat at Dingjiazhou, Jia Sidao was demoted to Commandant of Gaozhou. On the journey he was killed by his escorting officer. He was sixty three years old. Four years after his death, the Southern Song perished.
Unlike the final verdict recorded in the official History of Song, Jia Sidao's image in the late Southern Song underwent several transformations.
After the relief of Ezhou and Kublai's northern return, from Emperor Lizong down to literati and poets, descriptions of Jia Sidao portrayed him as a minister who revived the dynasty.
"The voice of the Shun court," "the sinews of the Zhou house," "a general and minister worthy of the Cloud Terrace," "one who upheld the Han tripod," and similar phrases were all praises recorded in the late Song.
But after the defeat at Dingjiazhou, his reputation reversed completely. From "the sinews of the Zhou house" he became "Dong Zhuo of the Han." Yet if one examines the historical records carefully, it becomes evident that even before the defeat at Dingjiazhou, after Emperor Duzong ascended the throne, satirical poems directed at Jia Sidao had already begun to circulate.
This is not difficult to infer. First, Duzong had been supported by Jia Sidao's influence, and Jia's authority therefore grew still greater. Holding power alone, he did not fulfill his early ambition of strengthening the state and army. His foreign policy became increasingly conciliatory. This was the sentiment among the common people.
Second, by this time both the Public Fields Law and the Calculation Method had been in effect for two years. Complaints filled both the army and the landlord class. This was the reaction of the powerful.
In the Song method of compiling history, the Attendant Gentleman of the Palace recorded the Daily Residence Notes. These were organized into the Daily Calendar, then compiled into the Veritable Records, and ultimately formed the National History. This also became the principal basis for Yuan dynasty historiography.
However, the Yuan historian Su Tianjue remarked that records for the reigns of Lizong and Duzong were the most incomplete. For Lizong there still existed several hundred volumes of Daily Calendars. For Duzong there was not even a single volume. Thus Jia Sidao in the History of Song contains elements shaped by Yuan historians.
For example, in the Biography of Jia Sidao it is recorded that during events at Hanyang, Wu Qian ordered Jia Sidao to relocate to Huangzhou. Jia believed this was an attempt to harm him and bore resentment, later retaliating. It presents him as petty and vindictive.
Yet the Annals of Lizong and the Essentials of the Three Reigns of the Late Song clearly record that on the way Jia Sidao encountered Mongol cavalry and survived only because his escorting elite riders fought to the death.
Another example: during Lizong's reign, powerful eunuchs such as Dong Songchen and Li Zhongfu disrupted the court. After Jia Sidao became chief councillor, he acted in accordance with court opinion and removed them. At the time both inside and outside the court applauded. Yet the Biography of Jia Sidao appended a single line stating that he "advanced petty men," thereby altering the nature of his actions.
Furthermore, the History of Song claims that during the Battle of Ezhou Jia Sidao sought to negotiate peace with Kublai and criticizes him for deceiving the sovereign. Yet this so called Ezhou negotiation cannot be found in Song or Yuan sources. Its authenticity remains doubtful.
As for the charge of intending rebellion, it is simpler still. It was said that ceremonial garments and imperial objects were found in Jia Sidao's residence. But to accuse a man of rebellion in this way was among the most common weapons of court factional attack in the Song. If a minister was sufficiently favored, whose household did not contain imperial gifts? The poet Zhou Mi at the time dismissed the accusation, remarking that his own wife had received dragon and phoenix ornaments from the court. Did that also mean rebellion?
In addition, the Annals of Lizong and the Collected Talks of the Old Scholar of Shuzhai record Jia Sidao's construction of Donghai City, Guangling Fortress, Yangzhou's Baoyou City, and his use of personal wealth to supplement military funds. None of these merits were included in the Biography of Jia Sidao.
In fact, rule by powerful chief councillors had long been a defining feature of Southern Song politics. From the time of Emperor Gaozong, the dynasty faced successive threats from Jin and then from Mongolia. To increase administrative efficiency, the powers of the chief councillor evolved from division to concentration and finally to unified control over military, financial, and governmental authority. This was an inevitability shaped by circumstances.
The History of Song speaks only of Jia Sidao's abuses of power and not of his contributions. Such treatment is one sided. It is no different from extracting the phrase "to take out of context" and leaving only "take out of context."
As for why Yuan historians would, through deletion and reorganization of sources, portray Jia Sidao as an irredeemable traitor, the motive is not difficult to find.
The Northern Song was said to have fallen because of Wang Anshi. Then the Southern Song must have fallen because of Jia Sidao.
At its root, the matter lay in Neo Confucianism.]
Within Huagai Hall, Empress Ma observed keenly that her husband's expression revealed a trace of satisfaction.
After so many years as husband and wife, she understood Zhu Yuanzhang's temperament well. Reflecting upon the luminous screen's words, she grasped the cause.
After Hu Weiyong, the Ming Son of Heaven had abolished the office of chief councillor and ruled alone.
Although her husband, once resolved, could seldom be turned aside, especially in matters such as the Ancestral Instructions, that did not mean he felt no hesitation afterward. The office of chief councillor had endured from the Spring and Autumn period for more than a thousand years. If not for Zhu Yuanzhang's founding merit suppressing dissent, debate would already have filled the court.
Silence did not mean absence of opposition. This year alone, four Ministers of Personnel had been replaced, and three Ministers of Rites. Li Mian, who had just presided over the Emperor's birthday rites, was said to be requesting transfer. Had Li Shanchang not advised him otherwise, he might already have retired.
Now, as Empress Ma considered it, her husband had found in the later discussion of powerful chief councillor politics a justification for abolishing the office entirely.
Thus she simply patted the back of his hand in quiet support.
Zhu Yuanzhang smiled at his empress, then composed his face.
For Zhu Di was already asking in puzzlement:
"How has the name of traitor become connected again with Neo Confucianism?"
For the princes of Ming, this segment of history was familiar. Their father frequently warned them with the fall of Song. Moreover, it had occurred scarcely a century earlier. The sons and grandsons of those who lived through it were still among the living.
Zhu Di's question, however, reminded the Ming emperor of another matter.
"Last time I ordered you to reflect in your leisure upon what science is. Have you reached any conclusion?"
During the previous appearance of the luminous screen, there had been no designated recorder. Zhu Yuanzhang had been forced to memorize what he deemed important. Most difficult to recall had been the evaluation of science.
By imperial instinct he sensed that science must be of utmost importance in later ages.
Yet the phrasing was strange and the terminology unfamiliar. In the end he could only strive to remember and command his sons to ponder it.
Faced with the emperor's question, Zhu Biao remained silent. Zhu Di lowered his head. Zhu Zhen pretended not to hear.
Only Zhu Su raised his head and ventured:
"The meaning of this learning shares much with the doctrine that Heaven and man do not mutually interfere."
"I request to postpone my enfeoffment and attempt to investigate for Ming what science truly is."
The hall fell quiet.
Zhu Yuanzhang studied his fourth son for a long moment.
"Postpone your enfeoffment?"
Zhu Su knelt fully.
"If this learning concerns the strength or weakness of a state, then it is no small matter. If it is merely words, then after investigation your son will accept punishment."
Zhu Di glanced sideways, then also knelt.
"If Fourth Brother investigates, allow this son to assist."
Zhu Biao finally spoke.
"Father, the question of science may not be separable from the matter of Neo Confucianism just mentioned. If Yuan historians attribute the fall of Song to Neo Confucianism, and if later ages speak of science as distinct from it, perhaps the root lies there."
Zhu Yuanzhang's gaze sharpened.
"Explain."
Zhu Biao bowed his head.
"The luminous screen earlier stated that classical doctrines were treated as sacred and inviolable. If so, then any learning that challenges the classics would be suppressed. If science requires verification and examination, then perhaps it stands opposed to that tendency."
Zhu Yuanzhang did not answer immediately.
His thoughts had already turned to the previous discussion of bone counts and the authority of ancient texts.
In Huagai Hall, no one spoke further.
Above them, the luminous screen remained suspended, as if waiting for their understanding to catch up.