January 26, 2001IslamabadCabinet Office Annex14:30 Hours
Shaukat Aziz was not chosen because he was charming.
He was chosen because he was credible.
In rooms where national security anxieties wore suits, Shaukat spoke the language of systems: governance, compliance, insurance, audit trails, and reputational risk. He could make a political idea sound like an institutional product.
Musharraf briefed him personally.
"This cannot look like Pakistan begging for a favor," Musharraf said. "It must look like Pakistan offering a platform."
Shaukat nodded. "We pitch it as Commonwealth-owned in practice: rotating hosts, independent auditing, and standardized security protocols."
"And the Queen?" Musharraf asked.
Shaukat hesitated only because he understood the sensitivity.
"We ask through proper channels," he said. "No publicity. No pressure. A formal request framed around youth, stability, and regional de-escalation."
Musharraf leaned forward.
"And make the commercial logic undeniable," he said. "Broadcast rights. Sponsorship. Tourism. Development projects tied to host cities."
Shaukat's reply was crisp.
"We make it so declining looks like declining stability," he said.
London's Cold Rooms
January 29, 2001LondonForeign Office / Downing Street (Private Meetings)
Shaukat moved through London with disciplined restraint. No grand speeches. No moral appeals. He presented the league like a structure that could be stress-tested.
He addressed the anxieties before officials could pretend they weren't central:
terrorism and crowd-target risk
reputational risk of associating with Musharraf
potential exploitation of travel flows
domestic backlash in India and Pakistan
commercial governance and rights disputes
He turned each into mitigations: third-party oversight, sealed venue protocols, standardized entry systems, joint threat assessments, and "pause authority" if threat levels changed.
Then he delivered the centerpiece without drama.
"We are requesting Her Majesty's patronage," Shaukat said, "because it signals this is not Pakistan's league. It is the Commonwealth's league."
A senior official offered the expected objection.
"The Palace will ask why the Crown should be associated with a military government's initiative."
Shaukat didn't argue ideology. He argued outcomes.
"Because the alternative is extremists owning the narrative space," he said. "Patronage endorses a platform, not a man. And the platform raises standards, scrutiny, and accountability."
They did not say yes.
But they began doing the one thing that mattered: they asked implementation questions—timelines, board composition, security standards, media rights, liability. Bureaucracies only do that when they are considering something seriously.
Islamabad's Real Aim
January 30, 2001Chief Executive's Secretariat, Islamabad22:15 Hours
Shaukat's preliminary cable returned with the line Musharraf wanted most:
No outright rejection. Engagement on structure.
Musharraf read it alone, then set it down and studied the map—this time not Pakistan's borders, but a Commonwealth constellation.
If the league became even partially real—if enough countries had money, pride, and schedules tied to stability—then South Asia would no longer be a private fire that outsiders watched from a safe distance.
It would be an international asset with international consequences.
Mahmood entered quietly.
"Sir," he said, "the spoilers won't stop."
Musharraf's answer was steady.
"That's why we widen the field faster than their sabotage cycle," he said. "They burn one stadium—we build a league that spans continents."
"And if London refuses the patronage?" Mahmood asked.
Musharraf didn't look away from the map.
"Then we proceed without it," he said. "But if they even entertain it, the Commonwealth becomes a shield."
He paused, then added with a colder clarity:
"Peace needs a flag larger than our flags."