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Chapter 338 - Chapter 338: The Hidden Hand

Chapter 338: The Hidden Hand

At the docks, the Italian mafia is recruiting people. For an ordinary person, if you really become part of the mafia, it might seem like decent work—though a bit dangerous. Still, a mafia member has decent pay and can rely on that identity to intimidate ordinary folks, which offers a sense of vanity. But realistically, how could the Italian mafia possibly absorb so many Italian immigrants?

That's when the mafia shows what "professionalism" really is. The United States is currently building many new railways and developing the West. It needs a great deal of labor, and there's plenty of demand. The Italian mafia uses this chance to get involved in various construction projects.

Typically, it's not hard for Italians to obtain these jobs. If you won't let them work, then you can't expect your site to run properly. They'll send people to stir up trouble every few days and see who caves in first. In the end, most bosses prefer to maintain peace: "All right, we'll let you do the work, but it had better be done properly. If we get angry, we'll still find a way to handle you."

And of course, the Italian mafia can't produce workers from thin air; that's why it's so important to bring people over from Italy. It's also why the mafia is willing to pay boat fares for immigrants.

Ever since the end of the Civil War, half of all steel produced in America has gone into making railroad tracks. That's how the golden age of railroads arrived, and New York seized this opportunity to develop rapidly.

New York—essentially "America's Xinxiang"—was discovered relatively late, so it developed late as well. In 1524, the Italian Giovanni da Verrazzano, under the French King's sponsorship, discovered New York Harbor. He entered the area aboard the ship Dauphine, declared the land for France, and named it "Nouvelle-Angoulême." Thus, he became the first recorded European visitor to New York, and so Italians have a deep historical connection to the city.

After U.S. independence, New York's growth was extremely rapid. In 1790, it overtook Philadelphia as the country's largest city. In 1800, only about 9% of the nation's imported goods entered through New York Harbor. By 1825, once the Erie Canal opened, New York became a goods distribution hub; by 1860, the proportion of imported goods had shot up to 62%. The city's population also surpassed one million. It became the largest new metropolis in history, and now, with the wave of railroad expansion, it's poised to advance further.

Grand Central Terminal is a symbol of New York's railroad boom. The railroad tycoon Vanderbilt funded its construction. In 1877, he inherited his father's estate and then began massively expanding the New York Central Railway network, buying up the Chicago and Northwestern Railway, the Chicago, New York and St. Louis Railroad, and the Cleveland, Columbus, Cincinnati and Indianapolis Railway. Grand Central Terminal was one of his prized achievements.

Building Grand Central Terminal is just one microcosm of America's railway expansion. When finished, it will accommodate fifteen thousand passengers. Once completed, it will become a landmark of Manhattan and the largest single structure in North America. During its construction, Italians have contributed greatly. Italy is currently America's largest source of immigrants. Although overall U.S. immigration numbers and quality are less than in a different timeline, they're not too far behind. Italians and Slavs fill the gap left by Germans.

The Hechingen Consortium bribed certain newspapers in Germany to depict German-Americans in "an objective light," discouraging most prospective German emigrants from heading to the United States and guiding them toward East Africa instead. Although they likewise know little about East Africa, they do understand how nobility operates, and the powerful pull of the Hechingen royal family far surpasses what American parvenus can offer.

Still, as a fertile land of opportunity, the U.S. draws quite a few German people who don't like authority—a bit like those who insist on making a fortune in northern Myanmar. They scoff at the Hechingen Consortium's "objective descriptions" of America as if it were "hell on earth" and say: "That's because I haven't been there. Once I arrive, I'll use the 'skills' I learned in Germany to make big money. They say America's millionaires are generous—kidnap a couple, and we'll get rich, returning home in triumph, right?"

If you ask them how they know, they'll say, "Folks from my village who went are now rich. They invited me, but I refused. Now I'm kicking myself." Such people "won't heed good advice," trusting only their so-called "reliable word of mouth," so off they go. Nobody stops them, but once they arrive, can they make a living? After all, others have already taken the good paths, and they certainly don't have the Italians' cohesion.

Between Italy and North America, you find both revolutionaries and mafia organizations, who are better at organizing than the Germans. They form their own construction companies, then bring people in as "workers," selling cheap labor to American individuals and businesses—basically an outsourcing service.

This year, New York's Grand Central Terminal, under construction, employs a large number of Italian laborers. In the U.S., Italians are only slightly above Chinese, Indians, and Blacks in social standing. Blacks are more numerous, but next come the Italians, so only a handful of them rise to higher status. Most Italians must do so-called "low-end" jobs recognized by American society—cooks, carpenters, construction workers, etc.

They have almost no rights, are generally worked to death, and if they try to resist, they must first overcome the mafia. As partners to wealthy capitalists, mafia members assist in managing their fellow countrymen, preventing any trouble.

Even though high-intensity labor holds the constant risk of sudden death, it's still better than starving in Italy. Working conditions in Europe may not be much better than America's anyway, and while their social status might be low, most Italians are used to that. Plus, in Europe there's no "Black population" to make them feel comparatively better off. As soon as they see someone doing worse, at least they have some twisted consolation.

Overall, Italian immigrants are satisfied with life in America. The Italian mafia is even happier, raking in so much money they can't even spend it all. American entrepreneurs and capitalists are satisfied, too: Italians are cheap, the mafia keeps them in line, and Italians are typically more diligent than Indians or Blacks. Management costs are low. Who wouldn't want such a labor force?

They also lack a strong homeland for support, and Italy itself is fracturing once again, so there's no way for their status to improve much. Only because they're considered "European" do they rank slightly above Asians and Blacks.

Initially, arriving Italians held a relatively higher position in America and were accepted by society. In those days, most Italian arrivals were small traders; laborers made up fewer than one-seventh. But in recent years—especially the last two—Italians have flooded in, mostly unskilled, so even if there's a chance, they can only do menial work. Meanwhile, the mafia has been opening branches everywhere, causing a surge in crime, plunging their neighborhoods into slum-level poverty, tarnishing the Italian community's image and status in the U.S.

Behind it all stand the American government, the Italian mafia, the Kingdom of Italy, Austria-Hungary, and Ernst. Those five forces have collectively set these events in motion. Under normal immigration procedures, even in wartime, it shouldn't have gotten this bad. Yet Ernst preemptively siphoned off many of the top-tier emigrants, sending them to East Africa and Paraguay. Obviously, the Italians who end up in America can't be that promising.

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